COUNTDOWN TO CHAOS by The Cosmic Messenger
This month was supposed to commemorate the first anniversary of the United State's triumphant removal of Saddam Hussein from power. Jubilant Iraqi citizens along with representatives of the Governing Council would be interviewed by the American corporate media soliciting for opinions to broadcast globally, extolling the success of the reform initiatives begun by President Bush and coinciding perfectly with his intended June 30 withdrawal date. However, as the first week of April unfolded, black smoke could be seen billowing from the suburbs of Baghdad and Fallujah in a country appeared destined for anarchy. As fighting escalated between occupation and Muslim forces, the prevailing state of confusion was in danger of jeopardizing the provisional peace attained prior to the onset of the latest hostilities. If the grievances responsible for this recent aggression aren't properly addressed by Bush, Muslim actions may be agitated to extremes previously not encountered by Western nations and needlessly increasing the anxiety levels of the families of coalition soldiers.At last count, over 50 American service personnel had died since April 2 in a US offensive to punish Muslim strongholds such as Fallujah where four contractors lost their lives to a small group of extremists. From the clash of opposing forces, two stories began to emerge in contrast to one another. The US press featured stories portraying Shiite cleric Muqtada al-Sadr as the principal instigator of the latest cycle of turbulent fury. They cited quotes from Bush attributing the violence to, "one person" against democracy and US Iraqi administrator, Paul Bremer labeling Sadr an, "outlaw," to create a biased impression in the public's perception of events.
While the western press was villainizing another Muslim cleric, the Arab media conveyed a different perspective. Al-Jazeera, the primary Arab news source reported on the reactions of grief stricken Iraqis to the Fallujah combat which has taken the lives of an estimated 600 civilians to date. Baghdad correspondent, May Ying Welsh, interviewed several area residents who conclude the latest offensive is the culmination of many abuses by the American military since invading the country a year ago.
"What help are they giving us?" one mother said. "They are destroying us, not helping us."
Another Iraqi woman reflects on life before the war.
"Before, my life was sweet," says Umm Zena. "There was no war and my husband was alive. What more could I have wanted? Now, all I see is fear. Fear and horror. There is no security."
While the carnage of the Fallujah engagement was being broadcast nightly into homes worldwide, citizens could only sit and speculate what went wrong with a volatile situation thought to be secured and in transition to a democratic form of government. The answer to their conjecture lies in several events foregoing the newest antagonistic engagements. Last month on March 22, Israeli Prime Minister Ariel Sharon had Hamas Shiek, Ahmed Yassin assassinated, an action widely perceived within the Muslim world as being approved by Washington. This incident was followed on the 28th by American forces closing a newspaper sponsored by Iraqi Shiite cleric Sadr because military commanders alleged it was printing misleading information.
In what is seen by observers as a vindictive response from followers of Sadr to both disturbances, four American security contractors were murdered three days later in Fallujah. A US offensive against the city was begun April 2 to avenge the death of the contractors.
The consequences of the circumstances occurring the past three weeks have yet to be fully determined. However, the recent acts by both Israeli and American governments mirror one another in their belligerence and inflame Arab, Muslim fears about imperialistic designs of Western leaders. While President Bush talks about democratizing Middle East countries, Muslim clerics suspect his intention is to marginalize the influence of Islamic beliefs in their lives. The transitional Governing Council and Constitution devised by Paul Bremer is viewed as an attempt to secularize Iraq, serving as a precedent for neighboring geographical regions. The country's most influential Muslim clergyman, Grand Ayatollah Sistani believes the proposed plan could destabilize Iraq.
This constitution that gives the presidency in Iraq to a three-member council, a Kurd, a Sunni Arab and a Shiite Arab, enshrines sectarianism and ethnicity in the future political system in the country,'' Sistani wrote in a March 19 letter to UN negotiator, Lakhdar Brahimi.
Nevertheless, Sistani's concern appears diminished by what the Constitutional charter realistically states.
"Islam will be the official religion of the state and will be considered a source of legislation. The law will respect the Islamic identity of the majority of the Iraqi people and guarantee the freedom of religious belief and practice," according to a BBC summary of the document.
Although Sistani worries about the role of Islam in any new form of government, of equal relevance is the legitimacy a temporary ruling body would have once the US leaves on June 30.
The Bremer plan calls for regional caucuses to be appointed by the present Governing Council to guide the country until official elections are held no later than January, 2005. Sistani believes by assigning members, the principles of democracy are violated and he advocates the direct election of representatives which would be more evident of the people's wishes.
Juan Cole, a history professor at the University of Michigan and a recognized authority on Iraqi Shiite society, offered the following explanation for why Bremer established this type of provisional government in an interview with PBS's Newshour Jim Lehrer last December.
"The problem is that the U.S. does not want to hold popular elections at this stage in the process because it is afraid that those elections will throw up leaders who will down the road become obstacles to progress. This happened in Eastern Europe, in Bosnia after the war there. And it's a bad experience that the U.S. has that the people who can survive a Milosevic or a Saddam are thugs, are radicals, and if they get elected, then they can stop further progress."
Gary Sick, past National Security advisor to three Presidents and teacher of Middle Eastern politics at Columbia University presented to Lehrer a different rationale which concurred with Sistani's concern though.
"The way the situation is now structured is that the governing council that is appointed by the United States will, in fact, have a dominant role in choosing everybody in that initial vote to determine who is going to be in the provisional government and then who is going to write the constitution. It gives the United States a tremendous amount of authority in determining who gets to become a member of the provisional government."
Sistani forsees the temporary successor government and Constitution as threats to Iraq's future and without legitimacy because they weren't decided by a popular vote. Instead, he considers the present system to have been predetermined by people who were appointed by the US military which compromises their loyalty to Iraq. He alleges these same people will be making determinations about the permanent government in January and suspects the US will have undue influence in that process as well. Even though Sistani favors the temporary form of government operating now, he differs on how to preserve the influence of Islam. Sistani feels the most efficient method would be to combine secularism with a judiciary system run by Islamic clerics serving as judges to balance the executive and legislative branches. He worries the US would indirectly veto this type of arrangement through their assigned stalwarts, keeping it from a vote of the people until they got a plan acceptable to them.
There is a growing recognition among world leaders, US Congressional representatives and the citizens of both America and Iraq the present plan for achieving sovereignty in the post Saddam era is flawed and in need of significant alteration if the reality of that ideal is to be achieved.
Some claim more troops are needed while others think this would only further aggravate a worsening situation. Despite this, President Bush sticks to the claim the US will withdraw by June 30 and hand over control of government to the Iraqi people.
HAPPY TALK, Mr. President. You are operating from the playbook of your old friend and ally in the Middle East, Ariel Sharon. His method is to suppress Islam by whatever method, even if it means killing their cleric leaders and labeling them as radical thugs to justify his actions. Now you are doing the same thing by going after Iraq's Sadr with "kill or arrest orders", uniting the Muslim world against you. You maintain you are trying to establish democracy in Iraq but repeatedly violate its precepts by closing newspapers and and using the military to crush Muslim objections if it deviates from your prescribed vision.
Perhaps it's time you explained your definition of democracy to the rest of us. Does it mean freedom and equality for all or rule through corporate tyranny who buy the majority vote to accomplish their objectives ?
The types of aggression Sharon has implemented in the past haven't worked and the Israeli problem remains unresolved after decades of grief. When you took office, you shelved plans to negotiate a permanent resolution between Israel and Palestine, giving Sharon free reign to implement his own strategy. His rules have made him look tough on security issues and consolidated his right wing political base but brought little stability to the area. If that is the scheme you're pursuing in an election year Mr. Bush, let me offer you a word of caution. By refusing to allow direct elections in Iraq, suppressing dissent and attacking Muslim clerics you're courting a Holy War by the nation of Islam that could spread well beyond the borders of Iraq.
That is far from the reason you told the American people we were invading this country a year ago. Although reluctant to admit it publicly, you realize the situation is out of control.
Sending more troops might be a good selling point for your GOP colleagues to convince their constituents at home it's a guarantee of freedom for the Iraq people and a reason to send them back to Congress. It may even reinforce the self-profile you've sought to develop as a tough, talking cowboy unwilling to compromise. Ask yourself this question though.
Do I truly want peace in the countries of the Middle East or a state of perpetual disorder like the Sharon model which he uses as a political means to reelect himself, impling he's the only person capable of keeping Israel secure from terrorism ?
While deliberating, consider better ideas of clarifying your intentions to the Muslims of Iraq.
Work with their leaders to seek mutual solutions, ones which they share in formulating. Above all else, don't employ techniques which alienate their Islamic beliefs. You may claim the present governing plan accounts for these anxieties but the past several weeks indicates the Iraq people aren't convinced. A member of the Iraqi Governing Council stated last week, "violence cannot be fought with more violence." He realizes the military isn't the solution but open and honest dialogue is the essential key. Why can't you ?



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